They were less interested in ideas of empowerment and self-actualisation than they were in divisions of labour, living conditions and cold, hard cash. If men did not have these functions performed for them at home, these women argued, they would not be able to return to work and produce effectively. Male work in the factory relied upon female work in the home.
But the movement relied on the understanding that a wage was necessary for work to be seen as work, and for the people who did it to be seen as worthy of dignity and protection. But because sexism beats so many people down, that also meant that there was a community of women who could pull each other up.
Those who experience gendered oppression can band together to end it. MeToo has a less ideological, more ad hoc approach to its analysis of patriarchy. But its gesture proceeds from the assumption that misogyny is structural, and that women have a shared interest in fighting it.
The movement has included stories from women of different races, orientations and religions. It has brought testimony from women who are rich and poor, healthy and chronically ill, cis and trans, famous and anonymous. This variety has led to an increasing acknowledgment that misogyny takes different forms, and that not all women have access to the same tools used to mitigate it. Put very simply, this meant taking into account the ways that oppression looks different for different people, and how individuals experience oppression along more than one axis at once.
Intersectionality has given MeToo a more expansive understanding of sexual harassment and assault. Social feminism does not aspire to enable a few women to gain positions of power in patriarchal systems. T his is not a simple proposition. The real weakness of social feminism is not that it encourages women to be oversensitive about discomforts, but that it is so broad. The call for women to unite can overlook the kinds of pain and conflict that can exist between them. What experiences or conditions, exactly, do we identify as common to all women?
It is difficult to generalise about so many people at once, and questions of injustice, inequality and privilege mean that doing so puts us at the risk of ignoring vital differences. Often, these oppressions are enforced by other women. There are vast gulfs that separate women from one another: gulfs of racism and money, of colonialism, bigotry, history, resentment, defensiveness, ignorance and hurt. It can be very hard to see each other across them. MeToo, however, has made it clear that solidarity among women is possible. But MeToo has transformed that mournful acknowledgment into something much more hopeful.
If the MeToo movement has prompted many women to focus on misogynist behaviour with a unifying grief and anger, it has also led many of them to contemplate our shared power and common vision for a different world. When the social feminists of MeToo call for changes that would make harassment, assault and other forms of misogyny rare, their very act of collective imagining makes such a world more possible: the more we stand together in this demand, the easier it becomes to imagine a world where respect is common, where cruelty is rare, where all of us think with more empathy and intelligence about the lives of others, and where being women will not doom us to suffering or limitation.
But why, then, has this clash been framed as generational, when it is clear that the two visions of feminism have been doing battle for decades? Part of it, of course, is ageism and incuriosity — the reflexive tendency to presume that the old are too timid and the young are too reckless. But another reason why MeToo has been framed as a generational conflict is because the individualist feminists of the anti- MeToo backlash have framed their own resistance to the movement as grounded in wisdom, realism and, above all, maturity.
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